Given that more and more women enter the legal professions and the paid workforce, the hours of work have become more and more demanding. Therefore, reducing the number of working hours will enhance sharing of responsibilities while curbing the effects of unemployment. This will help in reducing stress to the unemployed population within Canada.
The Canadian legislators will be required to inform the officers heading different councils on the strategies that will not create confusion during the working hours nor cause severe feedback from the Canadians as a result of changing payments (Brockman 189).
Still, the legislation will remain stringent over the overtime working hours where most employees go without any payment. In this way, the industries will be forced to hire more workforces and harmonize the payments depending on the skills and the capacity of service. Importantly, reducing the working hours for the civil servant and causal laborers will welcome flexible working approaches such as teleworking, flextime and job sharing. Here, the legislation will ensure that the locals are protected against employer’s exploitation and internet setbacks (Krahn et al 164).
The insurance policy for the workers might concentrate on representing the workers for some risks while assuming others. This is because the industries could not feel obliged for compensations of triple the workforce in the normal schedule of working. In such circumstance, the legislation might push towards contracts in different jobs based on the job specifications. This strategy will go a long way in developing flexible workweeks while minimizing the unemployment rates.
Labour councils are normally active in their provincial or territorial federations of labour. They often serve as the mechanism through which information from the provincial or territorial federation is distributed to unions in their area. A labor council has a diverse range of activities. It is often involved in providing strike support for local unions, and it works toward broader social goals, such as available and affordable child care, accessible education, and public health care and social services. Labour councils are also involved in regional community campaigns and fundraising for charitable organizations. Labour councils that are affiliated with the Canadian Labour Congress also take on the task of hosting educational programs for unions and union members.
“Like a labour council, a provincial labour federation is an organization composed of unions” (Brockman 211). However, the federation comprises unions from an entire territory. Local unions without a regional, national, or international affiliation may join a provincial labour federation directly; local unions that are affiliated with parent unions are usually represented in the provincial labour federation by the parent union.
Provincial labour federation pressure and lobby provincial governments to promote their point of view, particularly if the government appears likely to change labour related legislation in a manner that does not favor the union interests. Provincial federations also coordinate the activities of their member unions to support the federation’s lobbying efforts. Still, they provide affiliated local unions and labour councils with a range of services, including communication, education, and research. “They support their affiliated union by acting as a source of information, a coordinator of joint action, and a provider of resources that may be beyond the reach of individual members” (Krahn et al 296).
Unions have certainly been weakened politically by the rise of neo-liberalism of Canada into liberalized trade arrangements, and the numerical decline of manufacturing. For instance, the Canadian Labour Movement refused to become involved in the negotiations of parallel accords to the NAFTA. However, these unions have kept up their numbers, in part because of high rates of unionization in the public sector, and in part because of the retention of the core elements of the labour relations framework created after the Second World War. Most important among these features is the ‘Rand’ formula, by which all members of a workforce are obliged to pay dues to a union that has secured the official right to represent them.
Globalization and Liberalization in Canada also led to union expansion into the public sector in the 1960s and 1970s, at a time when women were entering the workforce in large numbers and social movement activism on diversity was surging, especially feminist activism.
With the Canadian Union Movement fairing much better to globalization and liberalization, far reaching changes in the labor market are anticipated. These changes will be realized through conservation of an absolute political and social environments that are important socialeconomic players (Krahn et al 244). Obviously, the political arm of the Canadian labour movement will be a major asset, allowing it to better resist the pressures of neo-conservatism that have been building in response to the economic globalization.
Still, the decentralized natures of globalization make the Canadian labor movement highly vulnerable to the effects of globalization. Unions in Canada concern themselves mostly with seeking better working conditions and are active mainly at the level of the individual firm. Therefore, it means that free trade and broader choice of possible locations for production facilities will give employers greater bargaining powers when it comes to demanding concessions regarding working conditions and the organization of work.
Brockman, Joan. Gender in the Legal Profession: Fitting or Breaking the Mould. Vancouver[u.a: UBC Press, 2001. Print.
Krahn, Harvey, Karen D. Hughes, and Graham S. Lowe. Work, Industry, and Canadian Society.
Toronto: Nelson Education, 2011. Print.