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The Impact of Witnessing Domestic Violence on Childhood Development

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The Impact of Witnessing Domestic Violence on Childhood Development

Abused women who abuse their children: A critical review of the literature
Einat Peled ⁎
Bob Shapell School of Social Work, Tel-Aviv University, Ramat Aviv, Tel-Aviv 69978 Israel
article info abstract
Available online 12 April 2011
Keywords:
Woman abuse
Child abuse
Children exposed to domestic violence
Violent mothers
The battered women’s movement
Overlap of domestic violence and child abuse
This article critically reviews current knowledge on abused women who abuse their children. First, the stage is
set by examining the history of handling this sensitive issue by the battered women’s movement and child
welfare services, pointing at its marginalization by both scholars and practitioners. Then the empirical
research on this phenomenon is presented, following by a discussion of why this scholarship is so limited. The
article concludes by outlining a proposal for an alternative feminist scholarship on this topic.
© 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Contents
1. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 325
2. The problem of abuse of children by abused mothers: A historical perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 325
2.1. Children’s exposure to domestic violence as a social problem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 325
2.2. The differing approaches of domestic violence and child welfare services to children’s exposure to domestic violence . . . . . . . . . . . 326
3. Research on abused women who abuse their children . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 326
3.1. Rates of child abuse by abused women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 326
3.2. Why abused women abuse their children . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 327
3.3. Summary and directions for further research on the topic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 327
4. Why is there so little scholarship on abused women who abuse their children? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 328
4.1. The feminist struggle with perceptions of violent women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 328
4.2. The impact of the motherhood myth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 328
4.3. The battered women’s movement experience of backlash . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 328
5. Conclusion: Advancing feminist scholarship on and practice with abused women’s abuse of their children . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 328
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 329
1. Introduction
Some abused women abuse their children; everyone admit this
much. The controversy lies around the magnitude, the etiology and
the severity of this abusive behavior. These can be perceived as
empirical facts waiting to be revealed by scientific studies, as
suggested by Jouriles, McDonald, Smith Slep, Heyman, and Garrido
(2008), but are also loaded academic, professional and political
constructions shaping the meaning of this phenomenon. This article
critically reviews current knowledge on the phenomenon of abused
women who abuse their children. First, the stage is set by examining
the history of handling this sensitive issue by the battered women’s
movement and child welfare services, pointing at its current
marginalization by both scholars and practitioners. Then the existing
empirical research on this phenomenon is presented, following by a
discussion of why this scholarship is so limited. The article concludes
by outlining an alternative feminist approach to it.
2. The problem of abuse of children by abused mothers: A
historical perspective
2.1. Children’s exposure to domestic violence as a social problem
Historically, domestic violence services have minimized and often
ignored the abuse of children of abused women who came to their
Aggression and Violent Behavior 16 (2011) 325–330
⁎ Tel.: +972 3 640 7371; fax: +972 3 640 9182.
E-mail address: einatp@post.tau.ac.il.
1359-1789/$ – see front matter © 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.avb.2011.04.007
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Aggression and Violent Behavior
attention, while child welfare services have minimized and often ignored
the effects of domestic violence on abusive and neglecting mothers and
on their children (Friend, Shlonsky, & Lambert, 2008; Moles, 2008; Peled,
1993, 1997; Schechter, 1982). This early state of affairs has been gradually
changing due to a major development in the social construction of
domestic violence as a social problem — following two decades of
research and advocacy efforts, children’s exposure to domestic violence is
now commonly seen as a form of child maltreatment.
This is evident in the expansion of professional and legal
definitions of child abuse to include children’s exposure to domestic
violence (Edleson, 2004; Jaffe, Crooks, & Wolfe, 2003; Kaufman Kantor
& Little, 2003; Weithorn, 2001) and in the depiction of children in
families where domestic violence is perpetrated as potential victims
of abuse in much of the empirical and theoretical literature in this
domain (e.g., Holden, 2003; Kitzmann, Gaylord, Holt, & Kenny, 2003;
Wolfe, Crooks, Lee, McIntyre-Smith, & Jaffe, 2003). This development
is manifested also in practice. Both domestic violence and child
welfare services have increased their awareness of and responsiveness to the predicament of domestic violence for children, though
their approaches generally differ.
2.2. The differing approaches of domestic violence and child welfare services
to children’s exposure to domestic violence
Scholars and advocates in the area of domestic violence, who are
focused on male to female violence, tend to attribute the responsibility
for the maltreatment of the exposed children to the (male) perpetrator
and to assume the abused mother cannot and should not be responsible
to the abuse due to her own victimization (e.g., Douglas & Walsh, 2010;
Jaffe et al., 2003; Radford & Hester, 2006). It is reasonable to assume that
the abuse of children by abused women was always observed by
advocates in shelters, where the circumstances are particularly difficult
and unusual for mothers and their children, and raised in other settings
providing domestic violence intervention (Damant et al., 2010; Krane &
Davies, 2007; Peled & Dekel, 2011). Yet, it is mentioned only rarely and
briefly by most domestic violence scholars and usually understood as
related mostly to the women’s own victimization and, thus,
as temporary and situational (e.g., Humphreys, 2000; Johnson &
Sullivan, 2008; Kerig & Fedorowicz, 1999; Peled, Davidson-Arad, &
Perel, 2010).
For example, Douglas and Walsh (2010) completely ignore the
possibility that abused women may severely abuse their children in
opening their article on mothers, domestic violence and child abuse
with the following statement:
“Domestic violence is now recognized as a risk factor in child
protection matters. Given this position, it ought to be axiomatic
that mothers who experience domestic violence should not fear
the removal of their children from their care if they seek help
from child protection agencies.” (p. 489)
In contrast, child welfare professionals seem to emphasize the
responsibility of abused women for the abuse and neglect of their
children, and to hold the women accountable for their children’s
exposure to violence by failing to protect them (Bourassa, Lavergne,
Damant, Lessard, & Turcotte, 2008; Terrance, Plumm, & Little, 2010).
This approach has long been criticized by domestic violence advocates
across many countries as a form of victim blaming, stemming from
patriarchal values, misconceptions and ignorance regarding the
dynamics of intimate partner violence (e.g., Douglas & Walsh, 2010;
Edleson, 1998; Goodmark, 2010; Hester, 2010; Jaffe et al., 2003;
Johnson & Sullivan, 2008; Magen, 1999).
Following this critic, considerable academic, professional and
political pressure was exerted to strengthen collaborations between
child welfare and domestic violence services and to improve the
formers’ response in cases of domestic violence. This effort seemed to
have produced a burgeoning reform in policies, training and interagency protocols in child welfare services, though this change process is
far from being concluded (e.g., Edelson & Malik, 2008; Humphreys &
Stanley, 2006; Magen, Conroy, & Del Tufo, 2000; Mills et al., 2000).
While the perspective of child welfare professionals on cases
involving child maltreatment and domestic violence seem to be
gradually expanding, there is only little indication that the same is
happening among domestic violence advocates and scholars. The
battered women’s movement went a long way to make domestic
violence visible in cases of child maltreatment and, at the same time,
continues to avoid serious discussion and treatment of child abuse by
abused women (Buchbinder & Eisikovits, 2004; Jouriles et al., 2008;
Mills, 2003; Peled, 1997; Steen, 2009).
The vast literature that deals with the complex relationship
between the child welfare system and domestic violence advocates
often attributes to child welfare workers the perception of domestic
violence advocates as (in the words of Schechter, 1996, p.62, quoted in
Moles, 2008) “blindly loyal to women and willing to ignore female
perpetrated child abuse and neglect.” Though some writers suggest
that this view is based on the early politics of the battered women’s
movement (e.g., Moles, 2008), a thorough review of current literature
on child maltreatment and domestic violence suggests this perception
may still be quite accurate.1
Dozens of articles, chapters and reports, published since the early
90s, critique the maltreatment of abused women by the child welfare
system, analyze its sources, propose various programs to correct this
injustice, and describe and evaluate the implementation of such
programs. Common to most of these writings is the focus on the
abused woman as a victim and not as an abuser — a good mother
trapped in bad circumstances. Further, most of the suggested
intervention models prescribe or describe a unidirectional transfer
of knowledge from battered women’s advocates, also called “specialists”(Taggart & Litton, 2008), to child welfare workers, as a means for
doing justice to the abused women and their children. Accordingly,
the term “collaboration” is usually used to mean the willingness of the
child welfare system to learn from battered women’s advocates (but
see Baran & Litton, 2008; Fleck-Henderson, 2000; Moles, 2008).
There is almost no analysis of abused women’s abusive behavior
towards their children, except as it pertains to the concept of “failure
to protect” which is frequently and thoroughly criticized (e.g.
Goodmark, 2010; Jaffe et al., 2003; Johnson & Sullivan, 2008;
Magen, 1999). There is also little reference to the option of
intervening with abused women who abuse their children within
domestic violence services and by domestic violence advocates. In this
way, the split between the abused and the abuser continues, both as
pertaining to the mothers who are portrayed as either one or the
other, and to the service systems where no intervention with abusive
mothers within domestic violence services is conceived as possible.
3. Research on abused women who abuse their children
3.1. Rates of child abuse by abused women
As an almost taboo topic among domestic violence advocates and
scholars over the years, abused women’s abusive behavior toward their
children was rarely reported, researched and discussed. Many, if not
most of the studies that measured child abuse in the context of domestic
violence over the years did not attempt to clarify the exact identity of the
perpetrating parent (e.g., Kolbo, 1996; Moore & Pepler, 1998; Saltzman,
Holden, & Holahan, 2005; Straus & Gelles, 1988). Limited data on the
magnitude of abused women’s use of violence towards their children
was published in the 80s and 90s (Edleson, 1999; Peled, 1997) and, as
mentioned above, was mostly accounted for as a consequence of the
1 A notable exceptions are reports produced as part of the Greenbook initiative in
the USA (Baran & Litton, 2008; Litton, 2007).
326 E. Peled / Aggression and Violent Behavior 16 (2011) 325–330
violence perpetrated against the abused women. A recent systematic
review of the available research on child physical abuse in the context of
domestic violence encompassing studies conducted over the past three
decades (Jouriles et al., 2008) found that those studies that identified the
perpetrator of the child abuse show approximately equal rates of child
abuse, including severe physical aggression, for mothers and fathers.
Rates of abuse by mothers ranged between 11% and 93% and could not
be clearly attributed to sample type (shelter vs. community services).
Further, in the reviewed studies it wasmost common for both spouses to
engage in domestic violence and for one or both to use severe aggression
toward the child.
3.2. Why abused women abuse their children
Hypotheses as to why abused women abuse their children abound
in the literature. The most common explanations revolve around
situational stress factors encountered by abused women including, of
course, the domestic violence but also those related to finances,
parenting, child behavior problems and the like (Jouriles et al., 2008).
The sequential perpetrator model or spillover hypothesis suggest
woman abuse to spill into the parent–child relationships as a
consequence of the following conditions (Peled et al., 2010; Peled &
Barak-Gil, 2011): women’s negative affect and arousal; their efforts to
control children’s behavior to avoid angering their violent partner;
mental and physical exhaustion; and children’s demanding condition
following their exposure to the domestic violence. Another set of
explanations are person-based, stressing the resemblance between
abused women’s abusive behavior and that of other women and men
who abuse their children. These include the propensity for aggressive
behavior rooted in personality and biological characteristics, psychological functioning and developmental history.
Very few studies attempted to explore the correlates and dynamics
of women’s abuse of their children in the context of domestic violence.
Some additional relevant knowledge on this issue can be found in the
developing research domain focusing on the mothering practices and
experiences of abused women. There is some indirect and partial
empirical support for the spillover hypotheses, as it relates to abused
women’s abuse of their children. Two meta-analytic reviews documented support for the spillover hypothesis between interparental conflict
and negative parenting, but not specifically for mothers (Erel & Burman,
1995; Krisknakumar & Buehler, 2000). Further, conflict between the
parents, ranging from arguments to abuse, was found to correlate with
increased maternal stress and increased use of physical discipline (e.g.,
Holden & Ritchie, 1991; Holden, Stein, Ritchie, Harris, & Jouriles, 1998;
Kalil, Tolman, Rosen, & Gruber, 2003; Levendosky, Lynch, & GrahamBermann, 2000; Levendosky, Huth-Bocks, Shapiro, & Semel, 2003).
However, other researchers found that neither experiences of physical
nor emotional abuse directly affected a mother’s level of parenting stress
or use of discipline with her children (Sullivan, Nguyen, Allen, Bybee, &
Juras, 2000), whereas others have found that women in abusive
relationships attempt to compensate for the negative effects of the
domestic violence by becoming more effective parents (DeVoe & Smith,
2002; Levendosky et al., 2003; Peled & Barak-Gil, 2011). A qualitative
study that explored abused women’s experiences of abusive mothering
behavior concluded that women’s abuse of their children can be seen as
a consequence of their own experiences of domestic violence, though
the authors also point at the women’s agency and responsibility in
occasions when they chose to use violence against their children
(Damant et al., 2010).
Several studies provide support for the assumption that abused
women’s child abusive behavior is situational in nature. Holden et al.
(1998) found abused mothers’ aggression toward their children has
decreased after they have left the abuser. In a study of a large USA
nationally representative sample of children and their families referred
to child welfare agencies for investigation of abuse and neglect, women
with recent domestic violence victimization were more likely to report
physical aggression or neglectful behaviors toward their children than
women with remote or no domestic violence victimization.(Kelleher
et al., 2008). Findings from a 5-year longitudinal survey of Canadian
families suggest that mothers of children exposed to domestic violence
show over time a greater increase in positive discipline and a less of a
decrease in warm and nurturing behaviors compared to mothers of
children not exposed (Letourneau, Fedick, & Willms, 2007). Finally,
Rodriguez (2006) found that women residing in shelters demonstrated
significantly greater abuse potential than those in transitional housing
programs, suggesting that greater temporal proximity to the spousal
abuse may in part account for the increased abuse potential.
The research on person-based explanations for abused women’s
abuse of their children is in its inception. Coohey (2004) compared
mothers who were battered and physically abused their children with
mothers who were neither battered nor physically abused, who were
only battered, and who only abused. She found that the mothers in the
co-occurrence group were more likely than the mothers who did not
physically abuse their children to have been severely assaulted by their
own mothers as children, and have had poorer quality relationships
with and receive less support from their mothers. Further, having been
assaulted by one’s own mother as a child —not being battered by one’s
partner —was the most potent predictor for whether a mother
physically abused her child. The association between mothers’ abusive
behavior and their developmental history was partially supported by
two other studies of abused women’s mothering. A study of child
abuse potential in a sample of 80 domestic violence victims found
women’s insecure attachment styles to be significantly positively
correlated with child abuse potential, although depression and anxiety
were the strongest predictors (Rodriguez, 2006). Another study of the
relationship between domestic violence during pregnancy and
mothers’ prenatal representations of their infants and themselves as
mothers found that women who experienced domestic violence had
significantly more negative representations of their infants and
themselves as mothers and were significantly more likely to be
classified as insecurely attached (Huth-Bocks, Levendosky, Theran, &
Bogat, 2004). The authors explain these findings by suggesting that the
experience of domestic violence may activate or re-activate unintegrated thoughts and feelings and may alter working models of self and
others for the worse.
3.3. Summary and directions for further research on the topic
The existing empirical literature leaves us with partial understandings of the dynamics of child abuse by abused women and with
many unanswered questions. First, there is not enough knowledge yet
on the magnitude, types and circumstances of abused women’s
abusive behavior towards their children. Further, little research exists
on the complex web of abusive relationships in families where
domestic violence takes place. There is a need to document and
understand abusive behaviors of all family members toward all family
members, taking into consideration various context variables of these
relationships such as age, gender and personal and social resources
and disadvantages.
We are still far from making empirically supported conclusion as to
the probability of the hypotheses on the etiology of abused women’s
abusive behavior (Jouriles et al., 2008). Taken together, the reviewed
studies suggest that abused women’s abuse of their children is
increasing, or maybe even commencing, following the occurrence of
domestic violence. Yet, important questions are raised by those studies
suggesting that abused women’s abuse of their children may be related
to their developmental history and attachment styles (Coohey, 2004;
Huth-Bocks et al., 2004; Rodriguez, 2006): Is it possible that some
abused women’s abuse of their children is primarily related to their
own developmental history (including exposure to abuse) and is only
exacerbated by the domestic violence? If this is the case, can we expect
the cessation of the domestic violence to terminate child abuse? I
E. Peled / Aggression and Violent Behavior 16 (2011) 325–330 327
believe we must do much more to provide good empirical and
theoretical answers to these questions.
4. Why is there so little scholarship on abused women who abuse
their children?
As evident from the above, the scholarship on abused women’s
abuse of their children is currently limited, tentative and apologetic.
Why is this case? I suggest the answer lies in an understanding the
socio-political context of this scholarship, centered on perceptions of
violent women, motherhood and political struggle by feminist scholars
and researchers which led us to avoid studying this controversial issue.
4.1. The feminist struggle with perceptions of violent women
Radical feminist activism in the area of domestic violence, which
regards women and children as victims of domestic violence
perpetrated by men, is the foundation of the battered women’s
movement and thus has shaped to a large extent the perceptions of
abused women’s abusive behavior towards their children. Radical
feminism in general, and within the battered women’s movement in
particular, struggles both politically and theoretically with the issue of
violent women. As mentioned by many others (e.g., Comack &
Brickey, 2007; Damant et al., 2008; McHugh, Livingston, & Ford, 2005;
Peled, 1997; Renzetti, 1999), the view of women as violent seems to
be in contradiction with the essential perception of women as victims
of male violence, and to threaten some of the social and political
achievements of the movement. The conceptual and theoretical
challenges posed by the concept of violent women in the context of
intimate partner violence are further exacerbated, in intricate ways, in
relations to women’s abuse of their children in light of the
pervasiveness and tenacity of the motherhood myth in our culture.
4.2. The impact of the motherhood myth
In western societies, social constructions of the image of the “good
mother” are abundant, portraying a woman totally devoted to her
children, with an instinctive ability and desire to give, to care for and
to sacrifice, for which the birth of a child is the ultimate selffulfillment (Douglas & Michaels, 2004; Hays, 1996). These notions are
supported by psychoanalytic and psychodynamic theories of object
relations and ego psychology that stress the mother’s dominant role in
a child’s proper development (e.g., Bowlby, 1980; Freud, 1940; Klein,
1932; Stern, 1995; Winnicott, 1992).
Feminist critics of these prevalent cultural and psychodynamic
notions suggest they treat mothers as a voiceless object whose purpose
is to provide for the child’s needs, rather than a person in her own right,
and call for the shifting of social and professional attention to mothers’
subjective experiences and viewpoints (Davies, Krane, Collins, &
Wexler, 2007; Hays, 1996; Rich, 1976; Thurer, 1994). Both liberal and
radical feminist writers have shown how social constructions of “ideal
motherhood” cater to the needs of a patriarchal society to the exclusion
of alternative views and serve as a means for controlling, restricting and
isolating women within their homes (Braverman, 1989; DiQuinzio,
1999; Hays, 1996; Rich, 1976). Further, there has been a growing
feminist call in recent decades to voice and sharpen the distinctions
among maternal narratives grounded in varied life experiences and
social–cultural origins, including those of struggle, disadvantage and
distress (Middleton, 2006). These views have been cited frequently by
domestic violence scholars and advocated to support their critic of both
the child welfare and the criminal justice systems’ mistreatment of
abused women as mothers (e.g., Douglas & Walsh, 2010; Johnson &
Sullivan, 2008; Radford & Hester, 2006). Yet, I would like to suggest that
domestic violence advocates and scholars themselves have been
holding distorted views of abused women’s mothering, shaped by the
same motherhood myth of which they were critical.
As noted above, the assumption underlying much of the feminist
literature on abused women’s abuse of their children is that the abuse
is mostly situational and temporary, caused by the impact of the abuse
perpetrated against the mother by her spouse. This assumption may
be seen as rooted in the myth of “instinctive mothering” described
above, by which women are seen as born to be good mothers and are
expected to fulfill this potential given the appropriate conditions (i.e.,
the cessation of violence towards them). If women are assumed to
rewind to their good motherhood self once they are not abused
anymore, it is logical to direct practice, research and theory at
eradicating woman abuse and not “waste” efforts on studying or
responding to the issue of child abuse by abused women which will be
naturally solved once the domestic violence cease. A promising critical
theoretical alternative to the conceptualization of women’s abusive
mothers, offered recently by feminist scholars, centers on the concept
of “maternal ambivalence” as it applies to abused women who abuse
their children (Damant et al., 2010; Davies et al., 2007).
4.3. The battered women’s movement experience of backlash
In addition to conceptual challenges, the study of violent mothering
within the context of domestic violence seems to be intertwined with
and shaped by recent political processes in this domain pertaining to
academic, professional and public perceptions of children’s exposure
to domestic violence and women as perpetrators of domestic violence.
These processes threaten the achievements of the battered women’s
movement and foster a defensive stance against calls for an in-depth
examination of the issue of abused women’s abuse of their children.
As mentioned in the beginning of this article, the successful
construction of children’s exposure to domestic violence as a social
problem seems to have backfired. Rather than establishing male
perpetrators of domestic violence as accountable for the resulting
child abuse, some evidence suggests that it has increased the visibility
and accountability of abused women as mothers who failed to protect
their children (Goodmark, 2010; Johnson & Sullivan, 2008; Postmus &
Ortega, 2005; Terrance et al., 2010). For example, a recent study of
child welfare workers’ attributions of responsibility for child maltreatment in cased of domestic violence, based on case vignettes,
found that abuse tends to work against the domestic violence victim
as a greater number of factors affect female responsibility for exposing
a child to domestic violence than male responsibility, even though the
male was designated as the batterer (Landsman & Hartley, 2007).
Another study conducted among a sample of psychology undergraduates found abused mothers were held less responsible for the abuse
of the child than the male perpetrator, yet participants were reluctant
to “excuse” the mother’s inability to protect the child in light of
evidence of her own victimization. Overall, a mother was held more
responsible for the abuse inflicted on her child when she had
experienced a history of abuse by the perpetrator than when no
history of woman abuse was evident (Terrance et al., 2010). This
unwanted development demanded feminist activism to revoke, rather
than support, the image of abused women as child abusers. In
addition, there is evidence to suggest that the increasing accusations
against feminist domestic violence researchers suggesting they ignore
or even twist data on women as perpetrators of domestic is perceived
by many domestic violence advocates and scholars as a backlash
against the bettered women’s movement. The perception of the
current academic environment as hostile to the feminist cause is likely
to impede the motivation of feminist scholars to study the
controversial issue of abused women’s abuse of their children.
5. Conclusion: Advancing feminist scholarship on and practice
with abused women’s abuse of their children
Regardless of its causes, women’s abuse and neglect of their
children is a severe problem for both women and children while it

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